With Israeli Democracy Under Threat, We Should Respond In Two Different Ways
It’s time to express ourselves through our words and wallets.
Taking to the streets: More than 80,000 Israelis braved the rain in Tel Aviv on Saturday night to protest the new coalition. Thousands more attended rallies in Jerusalem and Haifa.
Israel today is closer than it has ever been to a civil war – Jew vs. Jew. That’s not rhetoric; it’s fact.
Faced with that stark reality, how should the majority of American Jews balance their heartfelt support for the state with their deep commitment to the democratic values now under threat from the new coalition government?
I have two suggestions that may seem contradictory. But first, let’s examine the context of this crisis because while Israel’s vibrant but fragile form of government has seen potential upheavals before, they have never reached these depths.
In 1952, just four years after statehood, Menachem Begin launched a passionate campaign within the Knesset to have the government reject discussions with the German government regarding Holocaust reparations. “Blood money!” he proclaimed, asserting that accepting German money seven years after the end of World War II would appear to pardon Nazi crimes against millions of Jews. The controversy led to one of Israel’s most bitter public debates and culminated in violent demonstrations, with protesters fighting the police, throwing rocks and shattering windows at the Knesset.
In the end, the reparation discussions went forward, and Israel went on to receive billions of dollars to resettle destitute refugees. Though bitter in defeat, Begin, with his respect for the rule of law, bowed to the will of the majority.
Begin was at the center of another crisis that seriously strained relations between American Jews and Israel when, in a stunning surprise, he, as head of Likud, was elected prime minister in 1977 after 30 years of Labor governments. Long labeled a “terrorist” by critics for his role leading the Irgun in its battles with the British prior to Israeli statehood, Begin as the new prime minister was viewed with deep suspicion as a hawk by many American Jews. But Rabbi Alexander Schindler, the liberal head of the Reform movement and chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations at the time, played a key role in assuaging concerns about Begin. He spoke out in support of the Israeli leader, asserting the critical importance of unity for Israel.
The mantra of Jewish unity has continued over the decades but polls in recent years indicate that younger American Jews in particular are less inclined to support Israeli policies that clash with their liberal values, particularly over treatment of the Palestinians.
Today, the actions of the new Israeli government seem certain to widen that gap to the breaking point.
As the most right-wing coalition in the country’s history, its leaders are moving at break-neck speed to pass laws that, in the words of Esther Hayut, the president of the High Court, would transform “the democratic identity of the country beyond recognition.”
The role of the Court is critical because Israel’s form of government does not have the checks and balances that are built into the American system. Israel’s High Court is, in effect, the only branch that can overturn Knesset legislation. But new Justice Minister Yariv Levin has proposed legislation that would override Court rulings.
In a passionate speech on Thursday night, Hayut said the law would “deliver a fatal blow to the independence and autonomy of the judicial system, and silence it.”
On Saturday night, more than 80,000 Israelis braved heavy rains to attend a protest in Tel Aviv that featured former leaders of the country speaking out, describing the threat to democracy in dire terms. Thousands turned out for similar demonstrations in Jerusalem and Haifa.
Major American Jewish organizations traditionally have been supportive of Israeli governments in power, both left and right. In recent weeks their cautious leaders have been saying, as has the U.S. State Department, that Jerusalem should be judged by its actions, not the sometimes inflammatory rhetoric of individual politicians.
But the actions are already in the works, including the new government passage of a law that would allow Shas Party leader Aryeh Deri to assume a key ministerial role despite a suspended prison sentence for tax offenses. (Deri served a three-year jail term more than two decades ago for bribery, fraud and breach of trust.)
It is time for us to speak out against the range of proposed initiatives that would weaken Israel’s High Court, strengthen ultra-Orthodox power, dramatically increase the risk of future conflicts over the Temple Mount, further alienate the Palestinians, endanger the status of LGBTQs — and, this is key, result in new legislation that would dismiss the current charges of fraud and bribery against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Perhaps most worrisome, this new coalition, consisting of hardline nationalist and ultra-Orthodox parties, is more ideological and theological than political in its views. They care little about a liberal government’s responsibility to defend its society’s minority. Netanyahu is the most moderate figure in his cabinet, and he only chose his current partners because none of the other parties would agree to serve in his government while he is on trial for corruption. In effect, Netanyahu is being held hostage by his coalition partners because he knows that without them, he could face conviction and imprisonment.
Given this new reality, unimaginable even a few months ago, it may seem understandable that many American Jews will express their deep dissatisfaction in the most effective way they can – by withholding donations to Jewish federations and other American non-profit programs directed for Israel.
But that would be a big mistake. So my second suggestion – in addition to speaking out against the actions of the new Israeli coalition – is to continue, and indeed expand, financial support for these worthy programs. These funds don’t go to the government. Rather, they support a range of vital social and educational initiatives through non-profits that sustain and strengthen civil society. These include educational and economic projects to alleviate poverty, help the most vulnerable, shore up minority rights, assimilate immigrants into society, provide benefits for the elderly and ensure that all Israeli citizens have equal access to successful lives and careers.
As Americans, we understand and appreciate that we can be loyal citizens while strongly criticizing government policies, seeking to effect change through support for causes that reflect our values. The same holds true for our relationship with the Jewish State. As part of the Jewish people and lovers of Zion, we can express our views – and criticism of political actions – while at the same time doing all we can to fulfill the mandate of the Torah, whose inspiring words (Leviticus 25:10), are inscribed on the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia: “Proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof.”
With Israeli Democracy Under Threat, We Should Respond In Two Different Ways
Clear as a bell. Israelis like myself need both kinds of support from American Jews. We like to think that it is we tat are a majority - in every poll 2/3 of Israelis favor a two-state political accomodation with Palestinians. I doubt even the 25% hard-line Bibi supporters really agree with all of these shananigans that Bibi has acquiesced to. SO, let's say 75% of Israelis are having the flawed by functioning democracy smashed by a manipulation between extreme factions. The Greeks knew that this could never be called democracy and reserved for it a speacial name as the single worst form of goverment - ochlocracy (ochlos is a mob). Israel needs a strong voice that supports -and wants to defend - and of course improve - the State of Israel. Bibi and his crowd would like nothing batter than to alienate Jews of America and then discredit their voice as "enemies." In short, what Gary has written is that if you want to have a voice in Israel and for Israel, speak against Bibi, speak for democracy, don't scream against Israel.
Agreed. And in all public forums in the Diaspora we should let Israeli government officials know that we do not support "the tyranny of the majority." Some defenders of the Israeli government's desired actions -- particularly having the Knesset alone vote on Supreme Court justices -- not that this is how it's done in the United States. However, that's assuming the United States has a better system than Israel, which is not the case. In Israel, Knesset members, judges, lawyers and citizens groups help pick justices. I have always bragged that this -- as well as a mandatory retirement age of 70 for Israeli Supreme Court justices -- is what the U.S. should do.
Likewise, diluting army command on the West Bank (Judea & Samaria or whatever you want) can only bring an element of chaos to the command structure so necessary in military matters.